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Architectural Digest for International Trade and Labor Law: Regional Free Trade Agreements and Minimum Criteria for Enforceable Social Clauses

机译:国际贸易和劳工法建筑摘要:区域自由贸易协定和可执行的社会条款的最低标准

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摘要

Until the advent of binding “social clauses” in free trade arrangements, and incorporation of stronger social rights in the European Community treaties, the rapid widening and deepening of international commercial integration proceeded largely separate from international labor rights obligations. Inclusion of a “social clause” in a trade agreement ensures that the parties´ international labor rights commitments have equal dignity and binding force with their trade obligations. The threat of economic sanction for non-observance of labor commitments akin to the penalties for trade rule violations also may provide some “teeth” to induce compliance, unlike the lack of economic sanctions for violation of formally binding ILO and international human rights-based labor provisions. The implicit domestic political promise of trade negotiators, however, is that the social clause will operate as a circuit breaker in the feared downward spiral of domestic labor standards under pressure of free trade; the social clause functions as a political quid pro quo for trade liberalization. This paper argues that this bargain is largely illusory. Neither the typical human rights “naming and shaming” solution nor the usual national government-centered enforcement machinery provides realistic mechanisms to induce party-state compliance in the labor rights arena. The real parties in interest – employers, trade unions, and workers – are too disconnected from the international institutional process in most international regimes. Those benefiting through a form of unjust enrichment by a signatory country´s violations of its international labor commitments are institutionally insulated from any corresponding liability. Those suffering injury are institutionally excluded from ability to enforce the international obligations, and have no claim to recover compensation for their injuries caused by the government´s breach. The EU might provide a source of useful models for improving institutional arrangements and remedies, so as to ensure that “effective enforcement” becomes a meaningful term. Government reluctance to yield its sovereign control over the politically and economically delicate subject area of labor rights, however, presents an obdurate barrier to movement in this direction.
机译:在自由贸易安排中出现具有约束力的“社会条款”,以及在欧洲共同体条约中纳入更强的社会权利之前,国际商业一体化的迅速扩大和深化基本上与国际劳工权利义务分开。在贸易协议中加入“社会条款”可确保当事方的国际劳工权利承诺与其贸易义务具有同等的尊严和约束力。与违反贸易规则的处罚类似的对违反劳动承诺的行为施加经济制裁的威胁也可能提供一些“牙齿”来促使其遵守法规,这不同于缺乏对形式上具有约束力的国际劳工组织和基于国际人权的劳动的制裁规定。然而,贸易谈判代表隐含的国内政治承诺是,由于担心在自由贸易的压力下国内劳工标准的下降螺旋式上升,社会条款将成为断路器。社会条款是贸易自由化的政治交换条件。本文认为,这种讨价还价在很大程度上是虚幻的。典型的人权“命名和羞辱”解决方案或通常以国家政府为中心的执法机制都没有提供在劳务权利领域中促使党国遵守的现实机制。在大多数国际制度中,真正关心的当事方-雇主,工会和工人-与国际体制进程脱节。那些由于签署国违反国际劳工承诺而以不当得利的形式受益的人,在制度上不受任何相应责任的影响。在制度上,遭受伤害的人被排除在执行国际义务的能力范围之内,也无权要求赔偿因政府违约造成的伤害。欧盟可能会提供有用的模式,以改善体制安排和补救措施,从而确保“有效执行”成为一个有意义的术语。政府不愿对政治和经济上微妙的劳工权利主题领域行使主权控制,但是,这阻碍了朝着这一方向发展。

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    Weiss, Marley S.;

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  • 年度 2006
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